Saturday, October 10, 2009

Swiss Step Up Fight To End Death Penalty


With the current wind of change blowing through the United States, the death penalty will be abolished there in the next 20 years, says a former US death row inmate.

Joaquín José Martinez was in Switzerland on Friday as part of a series of initiatives for the World Day Against the Death Penalty, which takes place on Saturday.

Switzerland, which abolished capital punishment in 1942, is marking the event. It will host the fourth World Congress against the Death Penalty from February 24-26, 2010 in Geneva.

"I used to be a supporter of the death penalty, believing it was flawless and prevented crime, but neither is true," Martinez told journalists in Geneva.

He was sentenced to death in 1997 after being convicted of killing a drug dealer and his girlfriend, but the sentence was overturned in 2001 by the Florida Supreme Court because of irregularities in the trial.

Since his release he has been heavily involved in the fight against the death penalty.

"I was the 96th death row inmate to be released from the US and 30 more have been let out over the past eight years," said Martinez. "Something is happening there that needs to be changed."

But he believes that the death penalty could be abolished there in the next two decades.

"I believe that once the death penalty is abolished, and it won't take over 20 years, the US will become one of its strongest allies," he commented.

Constant battle

According to Amnesty International, at least 2,390 executions were carried out in 2008 in 25 countries. But the actual number worldwide is believed to be much higher.

Many of those affected are youngsters. Since 2007 24 minors have been executed in Iran, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Yemen.

The human rights group says 93 per cent of known executions in 2008 took place in just five countries - China, Iran, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the US. China carried out at least 1,718 executions, 72 per cent of the global total.

There are signs of a global shift away from the death penalty. A total of 139 countries have now abolished capital punishment in practice or in law, compared with 16 in 1976.

But achieving global abolition remains a constant battle. In countries that have abolished the law, like Mexico and the Philippines, pro-death penalty lobbies regularly talk about its reintroduction.

Figures from the end of December 2008 show that around 59 countries have capital punishment. The US is one of only five democracies to still carry out the practice.

Defenders of capital punishment argue that it is a national legal issue and should not be tampered with internationally.

"It remains a very entrenched issue politically," said Dante Martinelli, Switzerland's ambassador to the United Nations in Geneva.

Foreign policy priority

Switzerland itself has joined forces with the European Union to call for an end to capital punishment.

"The global abolition of the death penalty is one of our foreign policy priorities," explained Rudolf Knoblauch, in charge of human rights policy at the Swiss foreign ministry.

« It remains a very entrenched issue politically. » Dante Martinelli, Swiss ambassador

Switzerland actively takes part in debate against the death penalty in international organisations, including the UN, the Council of Europe, and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe. It also supports non-governmental organisations that are campaigning against it.

In December 2008 the UN General Assembly adopted an EU-backed resolution for a death penalty moratorium, on which Switzerland collaborated very closely.

"And the world congress is a concrete and tangible expression of Swiss foreign policy," said Knoblauch.

Around 1,000 government delegates, experts and civil society representatives will be converging on Geneva next year.

The meeting, which has taken place every three years since 2001, aims to improve synergies between organisations, raise awareness and maintain pressure on wavering states that retain the death penalty but do not use it.

"Countries like China and the US believe the death penalty helps fights crime but there are lots of others which still have it but risk becoming pariahs if they apply it," said Knoblauch.

"In Vietnam we see the government trying to limit the cases for which it can be applied. This is a clear sign that they want to abolish it."

Another aim of the conference is to encourage states to ratify the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, a UN treaty aimed at abolishing the death penalty. Between 2001 and 2008, 22 new states signed up, taking the total number to 70.

"This is the only international legal instrument that prohibits the death penalty," said Knoblauch. "It's important that everyone joins it."

Source(www.turkishweekly.net)

Wilton Dedge’s Bike Blast


This weekend, October 10-11, 2009, the Annual Bike Blast will take place in Titusville, FL. This event is very special to us because it is coordinated by Wilton Dedge, who was exonerated in 2004 after DNA testing proved he did not commit the rape for which he was convicted and imprisoned.

Wilton owns a great biker bar in historic Titusville called the Southern Room (345 S Washington Ave) which will be the epicenter of the the event. They expect there to be as many as 5,000 bikes at this 2-day event.

The best part is that they will be having a Poker Run to raise money for the Innocence Project of Florida, which will assist our efforts to find and free the wrongfully convicted. You can view the Poker Run flier and register for the Poker Run. If you would like to be a vendor at the Bike Blast, you can see vendor information and fill out this vendor form.

Come to this great event and support Wilton and the Innocence Project of Florida. For more information, please refer to the Bike Blast flier.

Yo can pre-order a t-shirt that will bear the really cool image above for $15 (which includes shipping) by calling Tina Dedge at 321-208-4768, or by sending your payment to: Bike Blast T-Shirt Order, The Southern Room, 345 S Washington Ave., Titusville, FL 32796.

Source(floridainnocence.org)

U.S. Government to Fund Wrongful Conviction Representation and Training Efforts


The U.S. Bureau of Justice Assistance, an office within the Department of Justice, announced recently that it will provide nearly $2.5 million in funding this year for 11 organizations working to represent defendants seeking to overturn wrongful convictions. The funding is dedicated to organizations that handle cases where DNA testing cannot help prove innocence. The BJA also announced that it will provide about $100,000 to the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers to facilitate training to help attorneys and organizations to improve the capacity to represent defendants seeking to prove their innocence in post-conviction appeals.

The organizations awarded grants are: the Idaho Innocence Project, the Innocence Project of Minnesota, the Kentucky Innocence Project, the Midwestern Innocence Project, the Northern California Innocence Project, the Alaska Innocence Project, the Cooley Innocence Project (at Cooley Law School in Lansing, Michigan), the Massachusetts Committee for Public Counsel Services, the Innocence Project of Florida, the Michigan State Appellate Defender’s Office and the Arizona Justice Project.

The Innocence Project is a separate non-profit organization from the organizations above, many of which are fellow members of the Innocence Network – an affiliation of organizations dedicated to overturning wrongful convictions. The Innocence Project only handles cases where DNA testing could prove innocence.

Read more in the BJA statement on the grants.

The Department of Justice also announced recently that it would fund DNA testing in cases of possible wrongful conviction in nine states under the Postconviction DNA Testing Assistance Program. The nine states receiving funds this year are California, Colorado, Connecticut, Louisiana, Maryland, Minnesota, North Carolina, New Mexico and Wisconsin.

Source(www.innocenceproject.org)

Thursday, October 8, 2009

Wrongful conviction in POLK

www.oranous.com

JUAN MELENDEZ
WON A NEW TRIAL!!!

The evidentiary hearing was held on May 29, 2001 and May 30, 2001 with Special Assistant CCC-NR Martin McClain, Assistant CCC-NR Linda McDermott, and Assistant CCC-NR Brett Strand representing the Defendant. Hardy Pickard, Assistant State Attorney and Candance Sabella, Assistant Attorney General appeared on behalf of the State of Florida.


Read judge Fleischer`s order

Wednesday, October 7, 2009

Judge orders testimony in prison mental health lawsuit

By Steve Bousquet, Times/Herald Tallahassee Bureau

Published Thursday, June 18, 2009

TALLAHASSEE — A state judge is ordering two prison officials to testify today on their role in a disputed decision to switch vendors for mental health care to inmates in South Florida.

"I direct that they appear," Leon County Circuit Judge Frank Sheffield said at a hearing Thursday.

The judge ordered the two employees, Millie Seay and Jimmy Smith, to testify in a lawsuit brought by a company that has been fired by the Department of Corrections.

The firm, MHM Correctional Services of Virginia, is seeking to block the state from replacing it with Correctional Medical Services of St. Louis, at what MHM says is $5 million more.

The lawsuit sheds light on the intense competition among firms to secure lucrative contracts with agencies in Gov. Charlie Crist's administration.

As the judge noted Thursday, "There's a lot of money at stake, and we have time frames imposed of July 1."

MHM attorney Christopher Kise accused the prison system of flagrant violations of state purchasing and open meeting laws, "a rigging of the process" and a waste of taxpayers' money in switching vendors.

He argued that MHM's lawsuit should stay, or prevent, the state from hiring CMS on July 1 for a 120-day period under a special purchase order while the vendor makes the transition as mental health provider.

Attorneys for CMS, which was allowed to intervene in the lawsuit Thursday, told the judge a fast decision is needed because the firm needs to start its work.

CMS attorney Peter Antonacci called the 120-day transition period a contractual "patch" not subject to the state's purchasing laws.

Seay is director of administration for the Department of Corrections, and Smith is assistant program administrator for health services.

Questions surround start of new Supreme Court term

How will Sonia Sotomayor vote? Is John Paul Stevens soon to retire? Will John Roberts and Samuel Alito be more unabashedly conservative? The term begins Monday.

By Warren Richey | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor

WASHINGTON
Transition is the word that perhaps best describes the US Supreme Court's 2009-10 term set to begin Monday.

The coming year offers an opportunity for court watchers to more clearly define the character of the emerging Roberts Court during Chief Justice John Roberts's fifth term on the bench. And it presents a chance far superior to the wishy-washy Senate confirmation hearings to finally learn something of the real Sonia Sotomayor, the high court's newest justice.

Will she be a liberal stalwart or a sometimes ally to the conservatives? If so, in which cases?

The term already includes potential blockbuster cases examining the applicability of Second Amendment gun rights to state and local governments, campaign-finance regulations, life sentences for juveniles, and whether Congress violated the separation of powers when it created an independent accounting oversight board.

The court's options will reveal more than just legal winners and losers. How these disputes are analyzed and decided by the justices will offer legal scholars important clues about the evolving dynamics within the nation's highest court.

In addition to the arrival of a new justice, Justice John Paul Stevens's decision to hire only one law clerk (instead of the usual four) for the 2010-11 term has sparked speculation that he intends to leave the court in June.

Among key trends to watch will be whether Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito decide to put an unabashedly conservative stamp on the high court by joining their conservative colleagues to boldly overturn liberal legal precedents despite earlier pledges of a preference for judicial minimalism.

The broad internal dynamics at the Supreme Court are well established, with four liberal justices and four conservative justices. In the middle, often wielding a tiebreaking fifth vote, is Justice Anthony Ken nedy, who leans conservative but sometimes swings to the liberal side in big, high-profile cases.

The arrival of Justice Sotomayor is not expected to significantly change this internal dynamic. Analysts say she should fit comfortably into the liberal wing and is expected to vote in ways similar to David Souter, the justice she replaced.

But she is not Souter. That has some liberals worried and some conservatives hopeful. Early in her legal career, Sotomayor worked as a prosecutor in New York City and later as a federal trial judge. Thus she knows intimately the challenges facing law enforcement officials.

When the high court hears a major case this term on whether police must give precise Miranda warnings before interrogating suspects, court watchers will want to see which Sotomayor votes in the case. Will it be the Latina civil rights activist concerned with defendants' rights, or the former big-city prosecutor concerned with helping the system fight crime and protect victims?

Thomas Goldstein, a lawyer who has often argued before the Supreme Court, says the departure of Mr. Souter and potential retirement of Justice Stevens could result in the court being nudged to the right. This is because their liberal replacements may not command the same respect that allowed Stevens and Souter to sometimes persuade Justice Kennedy to swing to the left.

"When that relationship is broken and you introduce somebody new into the equation, they can't possibly be as persuasive," Mr. Goldstein said in a recent panel discussion at the Cato Institute. "I think the ironic effect of new appointments replacing Justices Stevens and Souter will be to see the court gravitate to the right."

On Roberts and Justice Alito, analysts are awaiting the court's decision in a potential landmark campaign-finance case heard during a special argument session Sept. 9.

At issue in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission is whether corporations can be barred from spending their treasury money on politically related advertisements during federal election season. The FEC, citing a 2002 campaign-finance law, said yes. Citizens United, a conservative nonprofit advocacy group, said the move amounted to government censorship.

Roberts's and Alito's positions in the case are being scrutinized because the justices were confronted with a similar issue in 2006 and refused to join their conservative colleagues in overturning the underlying legal precedents. Now they are being encouraged to take that step again.

Any move to strike down a portion of Congress's 2002 campaign-finance law and an earlier 1990 Supreme Court precedent will be portrayed by liberal critics as a particularly aggressive assertion of power by the high court's conservative wing. And it could be a defining moment for the emerging Roberts Court.

But it won't mean the conservatives will win every big battle at the Supreme Court. With the general 4-to-4 conservative-liberal split on hot-button cases, Kennedy continues to hold the power to decide many of America's most contentious disputes.

One such case involves two Florida teens who are serving life sentences for crimes they committed as juveniles. At issue in Graham v. Florida and Sullivan v. Florida is whether the Eighth Amendment's ban on cruel and unusual punishment bars Florida from keeping the young men imprisoned for the rest of their lives without any possibility for parole. At age 13, Joe Sullivan raped and robbed a 72-year-old woman. Terrance Graham committed a series of armed robberies at ages 16 and 17.

Kennedy will probably be the deciding vote in the case. In 2005, he provided the key vote to declare the juvenile death penalty unconstitutional. The question in the case is whether the same reasoning applies in the circumstances of the two Florida teens.

Free speech is also on the court's radar this term. At issue in US v. Stevens is whether Congress has the power to ban possession and distribution of images of animal cruelty, such as pit bull fights. A Virginia man was charged under a 1999 federal statute for including footage of a dogfight in Japan (where such fights are legal) in a documentary film he produced and distributed in the US. The central question is whether the First Amendment protects such depictions.

In another Florida case, the justices have agreed to examine a property rights dispute in which owners of seafront property complain that the state used a beach renourishment program to strip them of their legal rights as waterfront property owners.

Under the Flor ida plan, sand was pumped onto the beach and the state claimed the new dry land for itself. Private waterfront property suddenly became landlocked.

A state appeals court ruled that the owners were due just compensation from the state, but Florida's Supreme Court upheld the state action.

In US v. Comstock, the court will examine a federal law that allows the government to hold alleged sexual predators indefinitely in protective custody once they are deemed to be "sexually dangerous," even after they have served a full criminal sentence.

BSO: Deputy Demands Cash From Suspect

Deputy Faces Extortion, Drug Charges
POSTED: Sunday, October 4, 2009
UPDATED: 4:48 am EDT October 6, 2009


Manuel Silva
FORT LAUDERDALE, Fla. -- A Broward Sheriff's Office deputy was arrested Friday, accused of extorting money from a man in return for not arresting him on drug charges.

Manuel Silva, 34, a nine-year department veteran, was charged with armed burglary, armed extortion and two counts of drug possession.

BSO said that on Sept. 29, Silva, wearing plain clothes and displaying his badge and gun, went to the Fort Lauderdale-area home of 38-year-old Orlando Gutierrez. Police said Gutierrez allowed Silva to search the home, where the deputy found five marijuana plants.

"Instead of arresting the drug suspect, he demanded money from him," said Broward County Sheriff Al Lamberti.

According to BSO, the deputy told Gutierrez that if he paid cash to him, he would not be arrested and his marijuana plants would not be confiscated. Police said Silva also promised to tell Gutierrez who had tipped him off about the pot plants.

When Gutierrez told Silva he needed a few days to get the money, police said, Silva said it would cost him more. The pair arranged to meet Friday afternoon to make the exchange, according to investigators.

BSO said that Silva went back to Gutierrez's home in an unmarked BSO car, took part of the cash payment and gave Gutierrez a photo of the tipster.

According to police, Silva returned later for the rest of the money later that evening. Detectives followed Silva from the neighborhood and arrested him in Plantation.

BSO said the detectives found illegal prescription drugs in Silva's police cruiser, as well.

Silva is being held without bond in the maximum security section of the Broward County Main Jail.

Gutierrez is cooperating with the investigation, but no one at his home was willing to talk to Local 10.

Silva's arrest is the second high-profile arrest of a BSO deputy this year. In August, Deputy Jonathan Bleiweiss was charged with multiple felony counts, accused of coercing male illegal immigrants to have sex with him while he was on duty.

Lamberti said the arrests are disappointing but that they showed that the department is policing itself.

"I am proud of the fact that an outside agency did not come in and tell us we had a dirty deputy," Lamberti said.

No one was home at Silva's Davie apartment Monday.

"We are still working on the case. By no means is it over. The investigation continues. We are going to leave no stone unturned because I think there are more people involved," Lamberti said.

BSO asked that any other alleged victims call the police department's internal affairs division at 954-321-1100.

Excerpts from editorials in Florida newspapers

By The Associated Press

Published: Tuesday, October 6, 2009 at 1:38 p.m.
Here are excerpts from editorials in newspapers in Florida:

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Oct. 6

The Miami Herald, on how Florida Senate should approve shield law bill with or without White House help:

The Obama administration's efforts to impede Senate approval of a law designed to protect reporters from punishment if they refuse to divulge confidential sources are both surprising and utterly disappointing.

As a candidate, Sen. Obama endorsed the "media shield" that allows courts to decide whether a confidential source deserves protection. (So did Sen. John McCain, the Republican contender.) As a senator, Mr. Obama co-sponsored an earlier version of the bill that the Senate Judiciary Committee is considering.

Now that he's the decider, Mr. Obama has developed cold feet. Last week, he let lawmakers know that he wanted the bill changed in a way that would cripple key provisions on when and how to invoke protections for reporters and their sources. This would gut the essential provisions of the proposed law.

No one disputes that there are instances when the government should have the right to compel information to safeguard the public. That is why all versions of the bill offer a qualified, rather than absolute privilege, with courts providing meaningful judicial review to determine when the "media shield" should come into play.

It also requires prosecutors to make reporters the last stop, not the first stop, for finding the source of information. More important, it offers a balancing test that weighs the needs of the government for information against "the public interest in gathering news and maintaining the free flow of information."

Mr. Obama apparently decided he didn't want any of this after meeting last week with his national security team. The administration has proposed changes that would eliminate the balancing test in cases deemed "significant" to national security. Judges would be instructed to be deferential to government claims about the significance of a leak.

These changes would turn reporters into government accessories, answerable to prosecutors instead of the public. Judges have never been noticeably partial toward reporters when national security issues are raised, so it's hard to see why the administration would oppose independent judicial review. These proposals stack the deck in favor of investigators instead of obliging them to prove their case - always convenient when your case is weak.

The Judiciary Committee should quit trying to work with the White House and approve the bill as is. A version has passed in the House. That would oblige President Obama to openly oppose the media shield he once favored or veto it when it comes to his desk.

Ideally, he would embrace a bill he once backed.

--

On the Net: http://www.miamiherald.com/opinion/editorials/story/1268488.html

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Oct. 6

Ocala Star-Banner, on how Florida lawmakers should focus on sales tax revenues than cutting millions of dollars on education:

It is perplexing that Florida lawmakers would knowingly let $2 billion or more in sales tax revenues slip through their hands year after year at the same time they are cutting billions in education, health care and public safety dollars because of declining tax collections.

But that is exactly what is happening in our state as the Legislature repeatedly sidesteps changing its own laws and pressing Congress to change theirs so the state can begin collecting sales tax on Internet sales. And with online sales growing at a much faster pace than those of traditional brick-and-mortar retailers - online sales rose 6 percent last year, even in a down economy - the untapped tax bounty is only likely to grow.

The latest effort to reap Internet sales taxes is being led by state Reps. Kurt Kelly, R-Ocala, and Michelle Rehwinkel Vasilinda, D-Tallahassee. They have introduced a resolution calling for Congress to enact a law requiring retailers to collect sales taxes from customers not physically located in the same state as them. Congressional action is necessary to override a 1992 Supreme Court ruling prohibiting such collections under existing law.

It is inexplicable that Florida has been so resistant to going after Internet sales tax dollars. It is patently unfair that Florida businesses who sell items from storefronts must charge 6 percent more than for the same item bought online. And with anywhere from one-third to one-half of all Americans now shopping online regularly - and growing - it is simply fiscal folly to continue to ignore the issue, especially at a time when the state is facing another year of draconian state funding cuts.

Congress, meanwhile, needs to finally come into the 21st century and recognize that, increasingly, states are losing important tax dollars - sales taxes represent about one in three state tax dollars in Florida - and pass a uniform national law for the collection of online taxes. Their action would supersede the Supreme Court ruling.

Some in Tallahassee and Washington, of course, will argue that this tax reform is a tax increase. Hardly. It merely is collecting taxes that already are due the people of Florida. More to point, it is merely the fair and fiscally prudent thing to do, to put traditional retailers and online retailers on a level playing field.

Kelly and Vasilinda are right to bring this issue to the table - again. We urge them not to quit pushing it. Fair is fair, and as things stand, they are not fair to traditional businesses or the people of Florida.

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On the Net: http://www.ocala.com/article/20091006/OPINION/910061000/1008/OPINION?TitleEditorial-The-unfair-non-tax

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Oct. 5

The Palm Beach Post, on the delay of FPL's request for a billion dollar annual rate increase:

As usual, Gov. Crist is grandstanding on Florida Power & Light. This time, though, he's got a point.

On Friday, the governor asked Public Service Commission Chairman Matthew Carter to delay a decision on FPL's $1.3 billion annual rate increase until the new commission takes over in January. A day before he sent the letter, Gov. Crist replaced Mr. Carter and Commissioner Katrina McMurrian. The terms of their replacements begin in January.

Hearings on the rate request began in August, and the commission was supposed to rule in October. But a series of ethics controversies has distracted and embarrassed the commission. Last spring, Ms. McMurrian attended a private dinner with utility executives whose cases she was about to hear. Staff members admitted to attending a private party at an FPL executive's home and giving an FPL lawyer back-channel access.

We editorialized that Ms. McMurrian should not rule on the FPL case. On Monday, she went one better and resigned. For that reason, it might make sense for the current commission to decide the FPL rate case. In fact, there are more reasons why the next commission should do so.

First, Ms. McMurrian's resignation makes possible a deadlock among the remaining four commissioners. Second, because the controversies have delayed the FPL rate hearing - three more days of testimony remain - the decision already has been split. On Dec. 21, the current commission is supposed to decide whether FPL will get all or part of the company's request, or will owe customers refunds, as the Office of Public Counsel has argued. On Jan. 11, the new commission would decide how any rate increase would be collected. Finally, a commissioner who voted with the majority on Dec. 21 could ask for reconsideration on Jan. 11, and the new commission could undo what the old commission did.

Admittedly, the two new commissioners would have to be quick studies. The FPL rate case will have taken 15 days of hearings, one of which went until 11 p.m. Public Counsel J.R. Kelly, who represents consumers before the commission, estimates that there will be "tens of thousands of pages" of transcripts. A decision might not come until March.

Still, there is precedent for commissioners ruling on cases on which they did not sit. This commission is so tainted that a new look would be more credible. Also, the Office of Public Counsel argues persuasively that, despite the company's claim, FPL could not raise rates automatically on Jan. 1 while waiting for the commission to rule. Doing so, Associate Public Counsel Joseph McGlothlin said, would violate a rate-freeze agreement FPL signed in 2005.

Gov. Crist said, basically, that he would decide whether to keep Commissioners Carter and McMurrian if they rejected FPL's request. That was irresponsible. Though he's again seeking political points, this time, good politics is better policy.

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On the Net: http://www.palmbeachpost.com/opinion/content/opinion/epaper/2009/10/05/a8a(underscore)leadedit(underscore)psc1(underscore)1006.html

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Oct. 5

The Tampa Tribune, on citizens demanding change for the death penalty:

Who would shed tears for John Couey, the notorious child killer who died last week of cancer?

No one, except perhaps those who still mourn Jessica Lunsford and who believe her killer got off easy.

Indeed, men who rape and murder children make the case for the death penalty. There are some crimes that are so egregious, so malevolent that state-approved execution retributive justice is not only understandable, but necessary.

Think of Danny Rolling, executed by lethal injection three years ago for the 1990 murders of five students in Gainesville. Or triple murderer Oba Chandler, who sits on death row for the 1989 murders of an Ohio mother and her teenage daughters.

Or serial killer Oscar Ray Bolin, who viciously killed three women 23 years ago and, after nine trials and eight death sentences, continues to plague the system with postconviction appeals.

The legacy of men like these hurts the cause of those who would change the state's system of capital punishment or do away with the death penalty altogether.

And it's in large part why lawmakers tend to shun reform efforts meant to assure citizens our system of capital punishment is fair and consistent.

But three years ago the Florida Death Penalty Assessment Team made recommendations that should not have been ignored, and death penalty experts, both pro- and con-, have renewed calls for change. They met last month in Tallahassee to discuss the recommendations and develop strategies to see them put in place.

It's a good time to press lawmakers. Capital punishment is not cheap. The Death Penalty Information Center, which opposes capital punishment, says it costs Florida $51 million more to house death-row inmates than murderers sentenced to life without parole. With the state financially strapped, the cost of death row should be part of the discussion.

And although Florida demands stringent qualifications for trial lawyers in capital cases, the state caps attorney fees at $3,500 for postconviction appeals, discouraging all but the most inexperienced attorneys. Lawmakers should set a more realistic fee schedule.

Finally, it's important to note that while Florida has executed 68 people since 1976, it has exonerated 23 inmates on death row more than any other state. This statistic certainly suggests our system isn't perfect.

Citizens demand only one thing before the state invokes the ultimate penalty unfailing certainty that the person is guilty. Reforming Florida's death penalty system is the surest way of ensuring it can administer the ultimate penalty to the Coueys, Rollings, Chandlers and Bolins of the world.

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On the Net: http://www2.tbo.com/content/2009/oct/05/ED(underscore)DeathPenalty/news-opinion-editorials/

Florida pushes ahead with an all-digital courthouse

The Florida Supreme Court is expected to approve new rules that will make most courthouse documents and records available to anyone who can get onto the Internet.

Aaron Deslatte

Sentinel Staff Writer

October 5, 2009

TALLAHASSEE

Florida courts could look a lot more inviting to Internet users in the near future.

The Florida Supreme Court is moving toward opening more court records to digital users, planning to approve rules this fall to govern the digital road.

But it's a future that holds broad risks and rewards for lawsuit-filers, coach potatoes and consumers as the state's court system wrestles with the competing concerns of access to the 19 million court documents filed every years and individual privacy.

Companies long have used the Internet and data-sorting technologies to sell -- or deny -- service. Programs allow them to download and sift through rafts of personal information -- from consumer credit scores to driving histories to past addresses to magazine subscriptions -- to build consumer profiles.

The digital courthouse would offer much more information.

In the not-too-distant future, Florida court clerks would feed filings -- from divorce records and civil suits to court testimony and judicial orders -- into a single Web portal that would allow instant access to anyone worldwide.

"It's a cost savings to the public," said Marion County Court Clerk David Ellspermann, who served on a court-created committee that spent the last two years researching and drafting the proposed new rules. "If you're not at my courthouse interrupting my staff, then I get more work done."

For much of this decade, though, Florida court administrators have struggled with how to balance the state's tradition of broad government openness against 21st-century Internet criminals.

Since 2006, the Supreme Court has barred county clerks from placing court records online. It's fear: That confidential information like Social Security or bank account numbers could fall into the hands of criminals or that data companies could use search programs to aggregate individual information that would be packaged with other data for telemarketing.

The order was issued after a few court clerks began scanning court documents and placing them on their Web sites. In 2005, Ellspermann was the first clerk to start redacting the documents he was placing online.

But the move toward digital records had already incited a statewide debate over whether all 1,000-plus exemptions carved into Florida's public records laws by the state Legislature should be applied to court records. Traditionally, everything in a paper court file was available to the public unless it was ordered sealed by a judge.

Critics worried that if everything in a file was available digitally, casual Internet users -- so-called "jammy surfers," people sitting at a computer in their pajamas -- could access personal information about individuals and, potentially, information deemed "trade secrets" by companies.

The struggle played out behind the scenes between county clerks, judges, media companies and others about how and when to make paper court records available on the Internet.

"We ran into this huge problem, which had not been thought about by anybody. To what extent does a legislative exemption from the public records apply when that information appears in the online court record?" said John Kaney, Jr., a Volusia County lawyer and general counsel for the First Amendment Foundation, which is financially supported by the media.

The Committee on Privacy and Court Records, formed by the court to study the issue, reported in 2006 that it appeared all the statutory exemptions did apply, based on the way judicial rules were worded — but that such an interpretation flew in the face of Florida's open-records tradition and was unworkable when applied to court records.

While the panel and court agreed electronic access to non-confidential records should be a goal, the Supreme Court withheld judgment on whether it supported applying all 1,000 exemptions to court records. Rather, it tasked another panel called the Committee on Access to Court Records to study how to fix the rules.

"The amount of information collected in litigation is enormous," said Jon Mills, a University of Florida law professor and former state House speaker who chaired the first "privacy" committee.

"This is the classic horse out of the barn analogy. Once information has gone on the Web, it's sort of gone."

Last year, the second committee recommended a new rule that creates 19 categories for confidential documents, including sexually transmitted disease records, paternity determinations, the names of child abuse victims and identities of confidential informants. Lawyers will also have the option of asking a judge to close additional records.

The Supreme Court heard arguments over the proposal last month from clerks, media lawyers, and the committee that drafted it. Although some changes related to grand jury information are under discussion, most watchers expect the rule to be put in place in the coming months.

That will set off an educational process for lawyers and the public, its authors said.

"Part of the educational process that needs to happen is to make lawyers, people, more aware that that which is in a court file is publicly viewable," said Miami-Dade Judge Judith Kreeger, who chaired the "access" committee. "And when it becomes available on the Internet, it will become instantaneously publicly viewable. ... I think it has good parts and I think it has risks."

The largest remaining hurdle is how to pay the costs of a statewide Web portal to access court records, committee members said.

Meanwhile, the courts are getting a better idea of the types of people who would likely be the biggest users of electronic court information.

Two years ago, the Supreme Court approved a pilot project in Manatee County, where court administrators have been scanning court documents and making them available only to registered users who identify themselves.

Of the 5,700 registered users, 3,000 were lawyers from around the country, said project manager Jeff Taylor. Another 500 were law enforcement agencies and 1,500 were from the general public. None of the registered users identified themselves as data "aggregation" companies, he said.

"Usually, they're looking for data more than images," Taylor said.

Aaron Deslatte can be reached at adeslatte@orlandosentinel.com or 850-222-5564.

Restoration of rights to 13 Florida felons to be re-examined

By Steve Bousquet, Times/Herald Tallahassee Bureau

Published Thursday, September 24, 2009

TALLAHASSEE — Citing "mistakes" by the Florida Parole Commission, Chief Financial Officer Alex Sink tried Thursday to revoke the unauthorized restoration of civil rights to 13 people, including a man who raped a minor.

But her colleagues on the state Board of Clemency, including Gov. Charlie Crist and Attorney General Bill McCollum, Sink's opponent in the 2010 governor's race, opted for a more deliberative approach and agreed to consider the cases at their next meeting in December.

State auditors uncovered the 13 cases last week in a report that faulted the Parole Commission for lapses in processing civil rights restoration requests.

"We probably ought to rescind those rights that were awarded," Sink said. In addition to a case of statutory rape that was not eligible for automatic restoration under the new rules, she said two other cases involved aggravated battery and that four felons failed to make financial restitution to their victims.

"We should look at them," McCollum agreed. "I don't think a decision needs to be made today, but it needs to be looked at." Added Crist: "I agree."

Agriculture Commissioner Charles Bronson, the fourth clemency board member, said the 13 cases were "an accident" and that he "would feel bad" if people had their civil rights stripped away a second time, especially if they had not committed new crimes upon release from prison.

The identities of the 13 felons at issue are unknown, even though they are eligible to vote, run for office or serve on a jury.

Most clemency records are confidential under state law, but the governor has the discretion to release records.

Crist, a candidate for the U.S. Senate, said he had no plans to release the records. "I want to take the opportunity, as I said, I think the whole board wants to review the facts and wants to have the chance to be briefed additionally by staff, in my case by my general counsel, and make appropriate action."

The audit also said about 28,000 cases were delayed for more than two years because they were for felons whose crimes were in other states or in federal courts and unlike most civil rights petitions were not channeled through the Florida prison system.

Sink questioned Parole Commission Chairman Fred Dunphy after some petitioners at Thursday's public hearing said it took them six years to receive a pardon for their past crimes.

Dunphy said pardon investigations are the most complex and time-consuming. He defended his agency's performance, noting it has processed more than 200,000 cases in the 21/2 years since Crist spearheaded a streamlined system for felons to get their civil rights restored.

"This was a brand-new procedure, so we were kind of building as we went along," Dunphy said.

Noting that the 13 flagged cases out of a group of 203 represented a 6 percent failure rate, he said: "You might say the glass is 94 percent full."

Steve Bousquet can be reached at bousquet@sptimes.com or (850) 224-7263.

Florida death-row inmate asks for new hearing on blood evidence

David Eugene Johnston alleges several witnesses gave false testimony at trial

Rene Stutzman

Sentinel Staff Writer

12:15 PM EDT, September 29, 2009

Attorneys for Orange County death-row inmate David Eugene Johnston today asked the Florida Supreme Court to order a new hearing about blood evidence.

Johnston, 49, was convicted of strangling and stabbing 84-year-old Mary Hammond in her Orlando home in 1983.

The governor signed Johnston's death warrant in April, setting off a new round of legal briefs. Today's filings are the latest.

After DNA tests this summer on crime scene evidence, Orange County Circuit Judge Bob Wattles concluded the results did not exonerate Johnston.

But in pleadings filed today, defense attorney D. Todd Doss argued that Wattles made a key mistake. Doss asked the Florida Supreme Court to order Wattles to hold a new evidentiary hearing.

According to Doss, the new tests proved that several state witnesses gave false testimony at Johnston's trial.

They told jurors that several pieces of clothing Johnston was wearing appeared to have blood on them – presumably from the victim.

But the new tests show that lab technicians could not find blood on many of those items, including Johnston's shoes, socks and shirt.

The Florida attorney general's office was working Tuesday on a brief, responding to the new issues raised by Doss.

Copyright © 2009, Orlando Sentinel

The High Cost of the Death Penalty

The New York Times published an interesting editorial yesterday on the financial costs of death row. There are many reasons I can think of to abolish the death penalty (including that more than 135 people in the country have been exonerated from death row), but perhaps the millions of taxpayers’ dollars spent on executions will be the one to convince you.

The information in the article comes from the Death Penalty Information Center, which has conducted tons of research on the death penalty. One of the reasons that death row is so expensive is the appeals process, which can take up to 20 years or more. There are often several cases that go along with the death penalty, and each case requires new witnesses and a new jury that undergoes a careful selection process. Money is also spent on higher security of death row inmates. These costs, while all very expensive, vary from state to state.

According to the organization, keeping inmates on death row in Florida costs taxpayers $51 million a year more than holding them for life without parole. North Carolina has put 43 people to death since 1976 at $2.16 million per execution. The eventual cost to taxpayers in Maryland for pursuing capital cases between 1978 and 1999 is estimated to be $186 million for five executions.

California’s cost for death row is the most expensive of all at $114 million more than a life sentence. Each Cali execution costs about $250 million. California also has the largest number of inmates on death row in the U.S.

Why spend so much money on executing people, when that money could be spent on improving our law enforcement or put back into the community toward crime prevention? And especially towards the prevention of wrongful incarceration. It’s somewhat sad for me to think about Cameron Todd Willingham and how millions of dollars were spent to kill him…

Related posts:
Update on Colorado’s death penalty abolition movement Bad news on the fight in Colorado to abolish the death penalty. As you might recall, there had been a...

More developments on the death penalty Last week, Governor Bill Richardson of New Mexico signed HR 285 to abolish the death penalty in that state. Here...

Amid scramble to cut costs, states look at killing the death penalty As the economy continues to slump, states are still looking for ways to tighten their belts. The St. Petersburg Times...

A shift away from the death penalty? Time magazine has this post on the waning number of executions and death sentences in America. The number is down...

Florida marks 30 years since death penalty’s return An Associated Press article with that title runs in the Miami Herald today. This is how it ends: An American...

LA Times against the death penalty I wrote before about how the death sentence in Florida, according to the Orlando Sentinel, “might as well be a...

Out of prison, Anthony Caravella gets offers of help -- including for tattoo removal

Paula McMahon

South Florida Sun-Sentinel

4:12 PM EDT, September 15, 2009


Anthony Caravella is being offered help by people wanting to ease his way back into society after 26 years in prison.

One of the most unusual proposals came from a laser tattoo removal business that offered to get rid of two prison tattoos of tears on Caravella's face after staff read he regretted having gotten the memorials to his dead mom and sister.

"He needs a new fresh start and we thought maybe we could help," said Angie Amaro, a manager at Lasergenex Tattoo Removal Center in Pembroke Pines. She estimated the value of the removal at $1,800.

"That'd be nice," said Caravella, 41, of Davie, who was released from prison last Thursday after a lab test eliminated him as the source of DNA in a 1983 rape and murder in Miramar. He hopes to be formally exonerated soon.

More than a dozen readers have contacted the Sun Sentinel to offer Caravella a job, cash, clothing, restaurant and store gift cards.

South Florida opens arms for Caravella

THE ISSUE: Caravella finds support.

Sun Sentinel Editorial Board

September 22, 2009

If you have started to lose faith in your fellow man, if you have witnessed too much uncivil behavior lately, the saga of Anthony Caravella should give you a lift.

It was good enough that the 41-year-old Davie man got released this month from prison last week after a DNA test cast grave doubt on his conviction — and life sentence — for a rape and murder in Miramar in 1983.

But now South Floridians have been coming forth with offers to help Caravella try to start rebuilding his life after spending 26 years in prison for what appears to be a horrible crime he did not commit.

People who surely have their own economic problems these days have come forth to offer cash, clothing, shoes, gift cards, jobs, even removal of the tattoos that are memorials to his dead mother and sister. Other strangers have come forward with offers of Miami Dolphins gear and tickets for him and McDonald's gift certificates — even trips to Disney World.

Just as heartwarming have been the e-mails and calls from people in the area offering support, saying that Caravella's story — he has an IQ of 67, and his defense has claimed his confession was coerced and beaten out of him — has brought them to tears. Theyare happy that justice has seemingly prevailed, in part through the years-long persistence of his attorney, Chief Assistant Public Defender Diane Cuddihy, and Sun Sentinel reporter Paula McMahon.

The legal battle is not yet officially over, although a request has been filed asking a Broward judge to exonerate Caravella and permanently free him.

If and when that happens, it surely will take Caravella a while to get eased back into society. But thankfully, it appears that society is lot more welcoming to him than he might have imagined.

BOTTOM LINE: Many strangers offering help.

Convicted Stalker Gets Life Sentence

Woman Paralyzed After Bullet Pierced Spinal Cord
POSTED: Friday, October 2, 2009
UPDATED: 1:16 pm EDT October 2, 2009

Allan Sinclair
FORT LAUDERDALE, Fla. -- A man convicted of conspiring to rape, kidnap and kill a Broward County woman has been sentenced to life in prison.

Allan Sinclair showed no emotion as Judge Marc Gold decided the prison term."I take no pleasure in doing this, but I have no problem with it," Gold said. "I sentence you to life in prison."

The victim, Christine Kent, wept in relief after the judge made the announcement.
"I have closure now, and for that I am grateful," Kent told Local 10's Terrell Forney.

By law, Sinclair could not have been sentenced to a prison term of less than 25 years.

The crime, which happened in August 2007, left Kent permanently paralyzed from the waist down.

Prosecutors said that Sinclair unexpectedly showed up at the home of his friend, Kent, a model and caretaker. Kent said that in the past, Sinclair had tried to be her boyfriend but she denied his advances.

"I hadn't seen him for three years," Kent told Local 10's Rob Schmitt. "He showed up out of the blue. He said he was in the area and thought he'd stop by and say hello."
But according to police, Sinclair went to Kent's home to kidnap, rape and kill her. When he pulled out a gun, Kent tried running out her front door, investigators said.
Sinclair opened fire, hitting Kent in the right foot and spinal cord, paralyzing her, prosecutors said. She has been in a wheelchair ever since.

After the shooting, Sinclair walked outside, investigators said, picked up the bullet casings, got into his SUV and ran over Kent, crushing her abdomen before driving away.

Neighbors said they were too frightened by the gunfire to go outside. A few minutes later, Sinclair, who thought Kent was dead, returned to the woman's home to try to hide her body. He dragged her behind the hedges in the yard and left, according to investigators.

Kent, however, survived the attack and was hospitalized for months.
Prosecutors said they believe Sinclair stalked the woman at her Oakland Park home before carrying out the attack.

Sinclair was convicted of attempted first-degree murder last January.

"I'm going to tell the judge that I believe justice should be served. I have been sentenced to a life in a wheelchair, of pain and suffering. He should be sentenced to life behind bars," Kent said Thursday.

At the sentencing hearing, Sinclair offered an apology to the woman he left for dead.
"I just want to say I'm sorry," said Sinclair. "I am guilty. I hope this does bring you the closure you need."

Kent, who now lives off of government disability, said she needs money for a wheelchair-accessible handicap van so she can leave her home.

Anyone who would like to make a donation to her cause can mail a check to:
NTAF
150 N. Radnor Chester Road, Suite F-120
Radnor, PA 19087

Checks should be made payable to NTAF Southeast Spinal Cord Injury Fund. In the "memo" line write "In honor of Christine Kent."

Dogs sniff out wrong suspect; scent lineups questioned


VICTORIA, Texas (CNN) -- The interrogation room inside the Victoria County Sheriff's Office is sterile and cold. There's a table in the middle, a one-way mirror and a hidden video camera that lets investigators watch suspects.

Michael Buchanek knows the room well. He was part of countless investigations. Buchanek spent more than 25 years with the Sheriff's Office as a commander of operations.

But on March 16, 2006, Buchanek found himself sitting in the interrogation room. This time, he was on the other side of the table. The day before, his neighbor and friend, Sally Blackwell, was found strangled to death with a rope. Her body was left in a field five miles from her home.

Buchanek sat in the interrogation room with three homicide investigators, former brothers on the force. But the investigators were no longer friends. Buchanek was now the prime suspect in Blackwell's murder.

"They told me they knew I did it and that I was going to spend the rest of my life on death row," Buchanek told CNN.

The story of how a veteran law enforcement officer became a murder suspect is at the heart of a controversy over an investigative forensic tool called dog-scent lineups. Video Watch dog howl next to man's scent, see how lineup works »

The Innocence Project of Texas calls the practice "junk science that's being used by prosecutors and judges to convict people." The nonprofit group, which is dedicated to discovering and overturning wrongful convictions, wants state governments to ban the use of dog-scent lineups. It says an unknown number of people have been wrongly accused or convicted from the dog-scent lineups.

Supporters say dog-scent lineups are a powerful crime-fighting tool helping investigators crack cases across the country.

Buchanek was identified as a murder suspect, not because of crime-scene evidence but because of two bloodhounds, "Jag" and "James Bond."

The dogs belong to Fort Bend County Sheriff's Deputy Keith Pikett. He and his team of dogs have become celebrities in Texas law enforcement circles for their work on hundreds of cases across the state.

In Buchanek's case, homicide detectives in this county southwest of Houston had Pikett's bloodhounds sniff crime-scene evidence, such as the rope used to strangle the victim. The dogs matched the scent to Buchanek. Video Watch how an innocent man came under scrutiny »

Despite repeated denials, Buchanek lived under a cloud of suspicion for five months. His former Sheriff's Office colleagues believed the dogs over him and his pleas of innocence. But the dogs were wrong.

DNA evidence implicated another man, who pleaded guilty to the murder.

"It's left me with a pretty bad taste for law enforcement," Buchanek said. "It's pretty much ruined my life altogether."

Buchanek has filed a civil rights lawsuit against Pikett, the dog handler in Fort Bend County, as well as the Victoria Sheriff's Office and the Victoria Police Department. Buchanek is seeking unspecified damages claiming his constitutional rights were violated when he was falsely accused and that he suffered mental anguish as a result.

Pikett and his dogs have assisted in hundreds of investigations for law enforcement agencies across Texas. Pikett refused CNN's interview requests, but his attorney says Pikett is on the "cutting edge" of collecting dog-scent forensic evidence.

Buchanek accuses the investigators, including Pikett, of "leading" the dogs to his home because Buchanek knew the murder victim through work and church.

Pikett's attorney denies this. "The dogs were pulling him (Pikett)," said Randall Morse, the assistant county attorney in Fort Bend County who is representing the dog handler. "Pikett did not lead the dogs. The trail was valid."

Morse said Pikett is a respected officer of the law who has helped developed protocols for dog-scent lineups over the last two decades. "He's been accused 20 different ways of cheating; critics are trying to throw up smoke to get defendants off," Morse said.

Victoria County Sheriff T. Micheal O'Connor said dog-scent lineups, like other investigative aids, are a "vital tool in working toward a determination of a case." He opposes banning the technique.

"We will use them again if it merits this type of service," he said. "I feel they're credible. I've watched those dogs. I looked on in absolute amazement."

As for Buchanek's case, he said," We did the right thing, and the wrong person was not convicted."

Dog-scent lineups are similar to visual lineups; but instead of a witness picking a suspect from a group of people, bloodhounds walk along a line of tin cans containing individual scents from possible suspects.

Investigators get the scents from rubbing a gauze pad on someone's body or clothes, and that gauze pad is then placed in a tin can. The dog handler gives the bloodhound the scent they're looking for, and then the handler and animal walk down the line.

If the dog matches the scent, dog handlers say the animal will give a "sign," which is usually stopping at the can or barking.

The question over dog-scent lineups isn't isolated to Texas. The state attorney in Brevard and Seminole counties in Florida is reviewing 15 to 17 cases dating back to the 1980s. The cases involved forensic evidence provided by one dog handler and his bloodhounds. The Florida Supreme Court says Juan Ramos was wrongfully convicted of murder based on a dog-scent lineup.

Critics of dog-scent lineups say the problem is that dog handlers aren't certified or regulated and that there isn't a system in place to check a bloodhound's track record.

Steve Nicely is a professional dog trainer in Austin, Texas. He's trained police dogs for 30 years and is also an expert witness in Buchanek's case. Nicely argues there needs to be a system in place that tracks a dog's accuracy rate.

"There are no national standards," Nicely said. "Our standards are so lacking, it's pathetic. We should be ashamed of ourselves."

Source(edition.cnn.com)

Wednesday, September 30, 2009

Dismantling the Prisonhouse of Nations: A Socialist Prison Reform Proposal (SPRP)


by Richard D. Vogel
The USA: Prisonhouse of Nations

The United States deserves the title, the Prisonhouse of Nations:1

•The US imprisons more of its citizens than any nation in the world. As of midyear 2008, over 2.3 million US citizens were behind bars and the prison population continues to expand as a result of the growing inequality and increasing marginalization of working people across the nation.

•The US is also a world leader in executing its citizens, following only the repressive political regimes of China, Iran, and Saudi Arabia in the number of executions in 2008. The US and Japan are the only states in the developed world that continue to impose capital punishment on their citizens.

Both of these repressive social practices -- mass incarceration and the continuing use of the death penalty -- are direct results of the reactionary US prison policies that have been in effect for the last 30 years. This Socialist Prison Reform Proposal (SPRP) provides a starting point to reverse these trends of political repression and secure justice for working people in the US. The following analysis of incarceration and capital punishment establishes the credibility and urgency of the Five Strategic Objectivesof the SPRP set forth below.

Capitalism and Incarceration

Prisons in the USA have three central functions: two overt and one covert. The overt functions are to punish criminal offenders for their illegal acts and to protect the community from dangerous individuals. The covert function is to serve as warehouses for superfluous elements of the working class. This covert function, which has resulted in mass incarceration in the USA today, is the primary target of the SPRP.

Chart 1, based on US Department of Justice (USDOJ) data, summarizes the history of incarceration in modern America.

The incarceration rate in chart 1 is the number of prisoners per 100,000 population of the nation at large, a standard measure of incarceration that allows for comparisons across time.

It is obvious from chart 1 that the history of incarceration in modern America can be divided into two distinct periods: the pre-1980 era of oscillating imprisonment rates and the contemporary period of explosive prison population growth. Examining the two eras separately highlights how the function of the US prison system has changed in modern times.

Chart 1a reveals the details of the relationship between capitalism and incarceration during the pre-1980 period.

The covert economic function of the US prison system (warehousing the unemployed) is clearly evident in the pre-1980 period. A close look at the incarceration trend in chart 1a reveals a dramatic rise in imprisonment rates during the period of the Great Depression (1929-1939) when the warehousing function of US prisons became firmly established; a lesser, but significant, increase throughout the protracted recession of the late 1950s and early 1960s; and another dramatic upsurge in incarceration following the Vietnam War. By 1979, the incarceration rate in the US (137.3 per 100,000) had surpassed the highest rate of the Great Depression (137.1 in 1939).

Chart 1a also records significant decreases in imprisonment rates during the peak years of World War II (dropping to 99.7 per 100,000 in 1946) and even lower during the Vietnam War (94.3 per 100,000 in 1968), when manpower demands in the US were at all-time highs because of war mobilization.

The relationship between capitalism and incarceration changed fundamentally in the 1980s.

Mass Incarceration:
the Triumph of Neoconservative Prison Policy

Chart 1b tracks the explosive growth of incarceration in the USA under the neoconservative prison policy instituted in the 1980s.

Beginning at a level above the highest point of the Great Depression (139 per 100,000in 1980), the US incarceration rate grew to 509 per 100,000 by midyear 2008 (a 266 percent overall increase) and now stands at the highest rate of any nation in the modern world. In view of the growing trends of economic inequality and marginalization and without meaningful reform of the US criminal justice system, incarceration rates in the US are likely to continue to rise even higher.

The neoconservative policy of mass incarceration in the USA has also produced the largest prison infrastructure in the world, numbering 1,668 state and federal facilities in the year 2000. Over 50% of these structures were built under neoconservative prison policy in the last two decades of the 20th century (Census of State and Federal Correctional Facilities, 2000).

Despite the record size of the US prison infrastructure, a crisis of prison overcrowding is brewing. The State of California, with the nation's largest prison system, is currently under a Federal court order to reduce its prisoner population by one-third because of the state's financial inability to provide adequate healthcare for inmates. State prison systems nationwide are facing similar crises.

The last major factor to take into consideration for understanding the US policy of mass incarceration is the striking variation of imprisonment rates between regions of the nation.

The Southern Prison Belt

Regional variations of incarceration rates in the US are illustrated in map 1.

The top 20 states, ranked by incarceration rates, are shaded on map 1. All 20 states imprison their citizens at rates well above the national average of 676 per 100,000. However it is the top 10 that are of special significance to understanding the phenomenon of mass incarceration in the US because it is their extremely high rates of imprisonment that inflate the national average. These top 10 states, with rates from the high of 1,138 per 100,000 in Louisiana to 808 per 100,000 in Arizona, constitute a Prison Belt that extends across the southern US.

The political significance of the Southern Prison Belt, which coincides with the stronghold of neoconservatism in the US, will become clear in the analysis of capital punishment that follows.

A Note on the Incarceration of the Black Working Class

Although all working-class people have been subjected to increased political repression, including incarceration, during the last 30 years, the brunt of the assault has fallen on the Black community. Official USDOJ statistics reveal the degree of racial disparity in incarceration in the US. The midyear 2008 prison census reported that there were 4,777 Black male inmates in state and federal prisons and local jails per 100,000 Black males compared to 1,760 Hispanic male inmates per 100,000 Hispanic males and 727 white male inmates per 100,000 white males.

The future for the Black working class in the US under neoconservative prison policy is bleaker than their current predicament. In an in-depth 2003 study, the USDOJ reported that in 2001 16.6% of all adult Black men in the US had spent time in prison compared to 2.6% for white males and predicted that the lifetime chances of going to prison for men born in 2001 would increase to the disastrous level of 32.2% for Black males and more than double to 5.9% for white males ("The Prevalence of Imprisonment in the U.S. Population, 1974-2001," Bureau of Justice Statistics).

Examining similar racial and regional disparities in the imposition of the death penalty discloses the political link between mass incarceration and capital punishment in the US.

Capital Punishment

The brutal history of repression in the US is nowhere more apparent than in the issue of capital punishment. Between 1930, the first year for which reliable death penalty statistics are available, and 1967, the last year of killing before a short-lived national moratorium on executions, 3,859 persons were executed under civil (non-military) authority in the US. Of this total, 54 percent of all persons put to death in the nation were Black citizens and 61 percent of all executions took place in southern US states.

Chart 2 offers a graphic overview of the use of capital punishment in the US since the middle of the 20th century.

Chart 2 presents the number of executions of citizens per year as reported by the USDOJ and analyzed in detail by the Death Penalty Information Center.

Although the total number of executions in the US is far overshadowed by the rate of mass incarceration, the state killing of poor and powerless citizens must be seen as a critical political issue -- the retention of capital punishment in the US symbolizes the willingness of the neoconservative wing of the ruling class to impose the death penalty to maintain the social order that serves their interests.

The modern history of the death penalty depicted in chart 2 shows that the total number of executions in the US declined steadily during the late 1950s and early 1960s, ceased altogether under a legal suspension of capital punishment that lasted from 1968 to 1976, and, paralleling the trend of mass incarceration, skyrocketed in the 1980s and 1990s. In the peak year of 1999, the number of executions surpassed the high number of state killings in the mid-1950s. However, chart 2 shows that, unlike incarceration rates that are continuing to rise, the number of executions has declined steadily since the beginning of the 21st century as jurors and the public at large have begun to question the practice of state killing.

The secondary trend depicted in chart 2 shows that most prisoners in modern America have been executed in southern US states which account for only about 35% of the US population. While it is readily apparent in chart 2 that the trend of executions in the southern states determines the US total execution rate, the chart also illustrates a significant change in that historical trend: since the restoration of the death penalty in 1976, the southern states proportion of all executions has risen to 81% of the national total compared to 61% for the period before the national moratorium on capital punishment. In other words, more US executions take place in southern states than ever before.

Like the policy of mass incarceration, the imposition of the death penalty falls heaviest on the Black working class -- the racial disparity in executions was 54% Black in the pre-moratorium period and 35% of the total since the death penalty was reinstated despite the fact that Black Americans consistently hovers around 12% of the population.

A close look at the battle over capital punishment in the US at mid-century shows that it was a defining political struggle that set the stage for the escalation of executions under neoconservative rule during the 1980s and 1990s.

The Mid-20th Century Movement to
Abolish Capital Punishment in the US

The movement to abolish capital punishment in the mid-20th century was an integral part of the civil rights struggle in the US. The abolition initiative was spearheaded by the NAACP Legal Defense Fund (LDF), a dedicated group of civil rights lawyers that mounted an assault on the constitutionality of capital punishment. LDF efforts led to the landmark decision by the US Supreme Court in Furman v. Georgia (1972) that ruled that the imposition of the death penalty in the cases before the court (Furman v. Georgia, Jackson V. Georgia, and Branch v. Texas) had been arbitrary and capricious and therefore constituted "cruel and unusual punishment" in violation of the Eighth Amendment and the due process guarantee of the Fourteenth. A national moratorium on executions ensued.

Southern states scrambled to reinstate the death penalty by rewriting their capital punishment laws to meet Supreme Court standards of due process. The effort, led by the states of Georgia, Texas, and Florida and backed by neoconservative forces from southern California and neocons in the federal government, was successful. In 1976 the US Supreme Court accepted changes in state criminal law and reaffirmed the constitutionality of the death penalty in the case of Gregg V. Georgia.

The resumption of state killing after the Gregg decision was restrained, and for a short time it looked like the US might join the rest of the western world in shunning capital punishment. Executions resumed in 1977, but during the first six years after the restoration of the death penalty, only six prisoners (three in the South) were executed. However, as neoconservative Republicans consolidated their hold on state power, government-sanctioned killing escalated sharply, peaking during the 1990s, the heyday of neocon rule.

The Restoration of Capital Punishment in the USA --
Another Neocon Victory

Map 2 tallies executions in the US since the restoration of capital punishment in 1976.

The overlap between maps 1 and 2 is striking -- the states that execute the most tend to be located in the Southern Prison Belt,2 illustrating the correspondence between the use of capital punishment and the adoption of mass incarceration prison policies in the southern US, the seat of neoconservative Republican political power. A closer examination of death penalty practices in Texas, Oklahoma, and Virginia, the three states that have accounted for 68% of all executions in the southern states since 1976 and 56% of all executions in the nation during the same period, reveals the prime mover of capital punishment in the US -- neoconservative enthusiasm for state sponsored killing.

Death Penalty Central

The trends of executions in the states that have killed the most prisoners in modern US history expose the deadly connection between the imposition of the death penalty and neocon rule.

Chart 3 documents the trends of executions in Texas, Oklahoma, and Virginia.

The State of Texas, which has accounted for 69% of all executions in the southern states since 1976 and 39% of all executions in the nation during the same period, must be recognized as Death Penalty Central -- no other state even comes close. The spike in executions in Texas occurred during the governorship of George W. Bush who signed the death warrants of 151 men and 1 woman during his term as governor of the state (1995-2000) before he moved on to the office of President of the US. Executions in Texas are continuing regularly under the governorship of James Richard (Rick) Perry, Bush's neoconservative successor, who presided over his 200th execution in June of 2009, exceeding the body count of his predecessor. With a current execution tally of 440, a death row population of 358, and continuing neoconservative rule, it is probable that Texas will retain the title of Death Penalty Central of the US.

The number of executions in the states of Oklahoma and Virginia, though not approaching the level of state killing in Texas, clearly represent a second tier of executions. The time overlap of the trends in the three states indicates common ground.

The trend of executions in Oklahoma reflects the same neoconservative commitment to the death penalty that Bush demonstrated and Perry is maintaining in Texas. Chart 3 shows that only three executions took place in Oklahoma in the 18-year period between the resumption of capital punishment and the beginning of the governorship of Frank Keating (1995 to 2003), a neoconservative Republican who served in high positions in both the Reagan and George H.W. Bush administrations before becoming governor. State killing accelerated and spiked under Keating and dropped off immediately after he left office.

Chart 3 also tracks the parallel trend of executions under neocon Republicans in the State of Virginia. Governors of Virginia are restricted to a single term, but Republicans George F. Allen and James (Jim) Gilmore III, who served consecutive terms (1994-1998 and 1998-2002), presided over 63% of the executions that have occurred in modern Virginia, establishing a neocon legacy of death similar to those of Texas and Oklahoma. As chart 3 illustrates, executions dropped dramatically after Gilmore left office.

The third tier execution states of Missouri and Florida also deserve attention. Missouri did not resume executions after the moratorium until the governorship of neocon Republican John Ashcroft, who later served as Attorney General under George H. Bush, and Florida, one of the first states of the nation to resume capital punishment, has executed regularly throughout the modern period.

The trends of executions depicted in chart 3 show how capital punishment, like the policy of mass incarceration, has been embraced by neoconservative Republicans. As an open challenge to these reactionary polices that have been wielded as tools of repression against poor and marginalized workers for the past 30 years, the Socialist Prison Reform Proposal offers the following strategy.

Five Strategic Objectives of the SPRP

The neoconservative prison reforms of the 1980s and 1990s consolidated the US prison system as an essential agency of the state that serves the needs of capitalism at the expense of working people and their communities across the country. The neocons announced their reactionary strategy in the "Taking Back Our Streets (TBOS) Act," a major component of the "Republican Contract with America" and vigorously set about imposing their agenda on federal and state governments.3 The USA's present status as the Prisonhouse of Nations is the consequence.

In sharp contrast to the reactionary prison policy of mass incarceration currently in effect in the US and the retention of the death penalty, the SPRP offers a starting point for dismantling the Prisonhouse of Nations and securing justice for working people.

The five key objectives of the SPRP are:

1.Abolish Capital Punishment. Capital punishment has been a major tool of repression in the US from the time it was used to control slaves and immigrant workers in colonial America through its continued use in the southern states today. The utilization of state-sanctioned killing by neoconservative political forces in pursuit of their repressive crime control agenda outlined in the TBOS Act reached its zenith with the passage of the Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty (ATEDP) Act in 1995 that streamlined the execution process by restricting prisoners' rights of habeas corpus, the rule of law that allows inmates to challenge their convictions (Richard D. Vogel, "Capital Punishment Update," Monthly Review, December 2004).
The SPRP calls for the immediate abolition of capital punishment in the US. The current policy of state-sponsored killing sanctioned by the US Constitution must be replaced by law based on the principle of the inalienable right to life recognized in Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

2.Downsize the US Prison System. While incarceration in the US will never be eliminated, it can be dramatically reduced by putting an end to its repressive function and focusing on legitimate criminal justice operations.
The SPRP advocates the development of both social initiatives and prison policy reforms to facilitate the downsizing of the US prison system.

Social initiatives must include socioeconomic reforms that provide genuine educational and employment opportunities for all citizens, while prison policy reforms should include proven alternatives to incarceration such as effective substance abuse programs, family support services, mediation/victim reconciliation programs, fines/restitution, community supervision and service, alternative education opportunities, and job training/placement services.

In addition to reducing bloated prison populations, downsizing the system will offer the opportunity to modernize US prison facilities. According to the USDOJ, in the year 2000, 22% of all US prisons were over 50 years old and over 20% of the oldest buildings had been in use for 100 years or more (Census of State and Federal Correctional Facilities, 2000). Many of these older facilities are unfit for human habitation and should be demolished.

In view of the profound negative impact of mass incarceration on the lives of millions of citizens and targeted communities across the nation, the SPRP calls for the immediate downsizing of the US prison system.

3.Stop the War on Drugs. The War on Drugs that began in the 1980s and was reinforced by federal and state legislation during the 1990s has been the central strategy of repression in the USA for the past 30 years. Selective law enforcement and adjudication practices, mandatory minimum sentencing, and mandatory life imprisonment ("three strike and you're out") have given neoconservatives the tools of repression that they have used to implement and maintain a policy of mass incarceration. It is time to end the War on Drugs, which from its inception has been a war on working people, especially national minorities.
The SPRP calls for an immediate end to the War on Drugs and insists on the establishment of programs that treat drug problems as what they really are -- public health problems. The SPRP also calls for amnesty, restitution, and full rehabilitation for prisoners who were clearly casualties of the War on Drugs.

4.Demilitarize Law Enforcement in the US. Under the banners of Law and Order and the War on Crime, the neoconservatives converted many law enforcement agencies in the US into paramilitary units of repression (Radley Balko, "Overkill: The Rise of Paramilitary Police Raids in America," Cato Institute, 17 July 2006). Under neocon fiscal control, federal funds initially allocated for drug courts, recreational and community programs, and crime prevention initiatives were redirected to support reactionary police practices.

The SPRP advocates demilitarizing law enforcement agencies in the US and refocusing them on their primary duties to serve and protect all of the citizens under their jurisdiction.

5.Restore the Rights of Prisoners. Incarceration deprivescriminals of certain rights and privileges that they enjoyed in free society, but prisoners do not lose all of their rights as citizens. Specifically, they are protected from cruel and unusual punishment under the Eighth Amendment of the US Constitution. Supreme Court rulings have established that prisoners are entitled to the "minimal civilized measure of life's necessities." The Court has listed these needs as "food, clothing, shelter, medical care and reasonable safety" as well as "warmth and exercise."4

The rights of prisoners have been undermined by the staggering costs of mass incarceration -- currently over $70 billion a year is being spent on what the USDOJ classifies as corrections. The authors of the current neoconservative prison policy recognized the fact that prison conditions in the US have been established and are maintained primarily through prisoner-initiated litigation, and sought ways to restrict prisoners' access to the courts. This objective was realized to a great extent in the Prison Litigation Reform Act (PLRA) of 1996 (Richard D. Vogel, "Silencing the Cells: Mass Incarceration and Legal Repression in U.S. Prisons," Monthly Review, May 2004).

The SPRP calls forrepealing the PLRA as the first step in restoring the civil rights of prisoners.

Make no mistake about it -- the USA is solidly entrenched as the Prisonhouse of Nations. During the past three decades, politicians from both the Republican and the Democratic parties have contributed to its construction and maintenance by jumping on the bandwagons of Law and Order, The War on Drugs, and, most recently, The War on Terror.

There is no doubt that dismantling the Prisonhouse will require significant structural adjustments in local, state, and the national economies. Under neoconservative rule, direct expenditures for prisons have increased 660% while police and judicial expenditures have increased 429% and 503% respectively. Total employment in the criminal justice system grew 86% from 1982 to 2003 and now stands at nearly 2.5 million with a payroll of over $9 billion a month.

The vested interests in the US prison system are huge, but this edifice that reinforces inequality cannot be allowed to stand. The current political crisis presents great danger and great opportunity. Repression in the US can continue to escalate, or it can be confronted and turned back. What must be kept in mind is that the Prisonhouse was created and is sustained by capitalism -- the end of institutional political repression in the USA will only be accomplished through socialist reform.

Why Socialist Reform?5

The historical relationship between capitalism and incarceration (chart 1) and the history of the death penalty (chart 2) in the US reveal why prison reform must be part of a socialist agenda for the nation. All prior prison reforms in the US, most notably the reactionary prison reforms of the 1980s and 1990s, have been prison restructuring to meet the demands of the capitalist economy. The covert function of prisons -- the warehousing of elements of the working class that have been displaced in the US economy -- is inherent to capitalism. Working people are valued only for their labor power and when it is no longer needed (e.g., when cheaper labor is available offshore) they become superfluous to capitalist production. Modern prisons, like the poor houses of the past, have become warehouses for those displaced and marginalized in modern America.

The failure of the mid-20th century movement to abolish capital punishment in the US illustrates the impossibility of meaningful prison or criminal justice reform under the rule of capitalism. In that abortive challenge to the death penalty, the Supreme Court ultimately ruled that state-sanctioned killing was not "cruel and unusual punishment" and is therefore permitted under the US Constitution.

But it must be remembered that the US Constitution was written by rich men who were more dedicated to the preservation of their private property rights and attendant privileges than to protecting the rights of common men. While Article V of The Bill of Rights guaranteed that no person shall ". . .be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law," statutory law and judicial decisions have allowed the agents of capitalism to determine the legal processes of depriving working people of their lives and liberty. Both the continuation of state killing and the mass incarceration of modern times are the direct outcomes of the "due process" of law dictated by neoliberal capitalism.

A Time of Crisis

Crises in the capitalist economy have historically produced crises in the prisons. The economic collapse of the Great Depression created massive prison overcrowding in the Western world. In Europe, the crisis sparked prison reform and, in several countries, resulted in amnesty for economic and political prisoners.6 In the US, work relief programs such as the Civilian Conservation Corps and direct economic aid to working-class families took pressure off the prison system, but the prison problem was never confronted directly -- respite came through the manpower demands of World War II when even prisoners were drafted into military service.7 The military manpower demands of the Cold War and the wars in Korea and Vietnam postponed a general prison crisis, but it has finally arrived with the massive economic displacement and marginalization of working people that has accompanied neoliberal globalization.

The current economic crisis presents an opportunity to confront the prison problem in the USA in the context of building a national economy that serves the needs of the majority. Only a socialist state based on the political principles of liberty, unity, and social justice can dismantle the Prisonhouse of Nations.

The Socialist Prison Reform Proposal offers a starting point for a renewed struggle for social justice in the US.




1 The phrase "Prisonhouse of Nations" is borrowed from journalist and death-row inmate Mumia Abu-Jamal's latest book, Jailhouse Lawyers: Prisoners Defending Prisoners in the U.S.A. (San Francisco: City Light Books, 2009). For a review of this important book, go to .

2 The State of Missouri is not an exception to this tendency. Missouri has historically been a border state between the Midwest and the South that demonstrates characteristics of both regions. The fact that Missouri is in the second tier of incarceration rates and third tier of executions reflects its affinity to the South.

3 A detailed analysis of how the US prison system was co-opted by the neoconservative Republicans is available in "Globalization and the Incarceration of the Black Working Class."

4 John Boston and Daniel E. Manville offer a comprehensive explanation of prisoners' rights in Prisoners' Self-Help Litigation Manual, Third Edition (New York: Oceana, 1995), 11.

5 For a succinct comparison of the political principles and practices of socialism to those of capitalism see "The Socialist Alternative" at .

6 An amnesty bill freeing thousands of prisoners in Germany during the Great Depression was reported in the New York Times in 1932.

7 The establishment of draft boards in federal and state prisons was reported in the New York Times during the war.


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Richard D. Vogel is a political reporter who monitors the effects of globalization on working people and their communities. He has published articles in Monthly Review, Canadian Dimension, and is a regular contributor to MRZine.org. In addition, he has made presentations at Cal Poly, Pomona, the University of Houston, and LaborFest in San Francisco. He is available for radio interviews, presentations, and workshops at schools, union meetings, and community groups. Visit the Web site edited by Vogel From the Left -- A US Forum on Combating Globalization at . Contact: . Download this article in PDF: .
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URL: mrzine.monthlyreview.org/vogel300909.html
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$2 million settlement for Broward man cleared by DNA


Mentally challenged man in prison 22 years for crimes he didn't commit will receive $2 million from the Broward Sheriff''s Office

By Paula McMahon

South Florida Sun Sentinel

10:18 AM EDT, September 22, 2009

The Broward Sheriff's Office has quietly reached a $2-million settlement with Jerry Frank Townsend, a mentally challenged man who was wrongly convicted and spent 22 years in prison for a series of murders that DNA later showed he did not commit, documents obtained by the Sun Sentinel show.

Under the terms of the settlement, reached with no fanfare, Townsend, who is now 57 but has the mental functioning of an 8-year-old, will receive a series of payments. He was paid $500,000 earlier this year and will receive $300,000 per year in each of the next five years.

The settlement in the civil rights violations lawsuit named the Broward Sheriff's Office, current and former sheriffs Al Lamberti, Ken Jenne and Nick Navarro, and former sheriff's deputies Tony Fantigrassi and Mark Schlein.

Broward sheriff's officials would not comment Monday and efforts to reach Fantigrassi were unsuccessful. Court documents show the settlement in the Broward civil lawsuit was reached in April.

In an e-mail, Schlein wrote "For me, this case has been a constant reminder that the criminal justice system is imperfect. It has always been imperfect, and it remains so today -- even with the dramatic advances over the years in forensic science ... Perhaps most importantly, it is a powerful argument against the death penalty. Thankfully, it was not imposed in this case."

Last year, Townsend settled a similar civil lawsuit against the city of Miami for $2.2 million.

Townsend's attorney, Barbara Heyer, who worked on the civil cases for more than seven years, declined to comment and said Townsend would not be commenting either. In previous interviews, she described the sheriff's officials conduct as "egregious." She will receive $800,000 in legal fees from the Broward settlement.

Since he was freed eight years ago, Townsend has enjoyed spending time with his family and getting acquainted with his young grandsons, said Donald Spadaro, who acts as Townsend's legal guardian because of his mental disabilities. "He enjoys going to their football games," said Spadaro.

Townsend was sentenced to several life terms and served 22 years in prison for convictions in six murders and one rape he didn't commit in Broward and Miami-Dade counties. He was arrested in 1979 in Miami on a rape charge, then turned over to authorities in Broward who charged him with six murders.

The case became a notorious example of how mentally challenged people are particularly vulnerable to making false confessions under pressure from law enforcement.

The Broward Sheriff's Office and its deputies "fabricated evidence, concealed exculpatory evidence, tampered with witnesses, and coerced a false confession by intimidation and deception from [Townsend], who they knew was a mentally challenged person," the civil suit claimed.

Then-Deputies Fantigrassi and Schlein obtained Townsend's now-discredited taped confessions. Fantigrassi has since retired and Schlein is an attorney with the state Department of Financial Services.

Townsend was set free in June 2001 after DNA indicated the crimes were committed by another man, Eddie Lee Mosley, who was known as "the Rape Man" in his northwest Fort Lauderdale neighborhood. Mosley, 62, has been found incompetent to stand trial and is in a secure state psychiatric hospital in Chattahoochee, near Tallahassee.

Townsend was 27 when he was arrested for rape by Miami police. According to the lawsuits, Miami and Broward sheriff's detectives coerced confessions from Townsend, who has an IQ in the 50s, and turned on and off tape recorders to feed him details of the crimes. The confessions were rife with inconsistencies.

In the Broward lawsuit, Heyer noted that the murders continued after Townsend was arrested in 1979 and that this fact alone should have convinced investigators they had the wrong man.

Staff Writer Jon Burstein contributed to this report.

Paula McMahon can be reached at pmcmahon@SunSentinel.com or 954-356-4533.

Testimony to begin in David Edenfield death penalty murder trial


The jury should hear testimony Wednesday against Edenfield.
By Teresa Stepzinski
Story updated at 9:08 AM on Tuesday, Sep. 29, 200

BRUNSWICK - A jury imported from 90 miles away will begin hearing testimony Wednesday in the death penalty murder trial of David Edenfield, who is charged with the sexual abuse slaying of Christopher Michael Barrios Jr.

The jury is expected to be empaneled this afternoon from Jeff Davis County, court authorities said. The jury selection process began Sept. 21 in Hazlehurst at the north end of the five-county Brunswick Judicial Circuit. As of Monday afternoon, about 60 had been qualified for the jury pool.

Jurors will be sequestered at an undisclosed location throughout the trial at the Glynn County Courthouse in Brunswick. After testimony begins, the trial is expected to last three to five days, authorities estimated.

Christopher, 6, was killed March 8, 2007. The kindergarten student's body was discovered a week later inside a black plastic trash bag hidden in woods about 2 miles from the Canal Mobile Home Park in Brunswick, where he had lived with his extended family.

Edenfield, 59, his wife, Peggy, 58, and their 33-year-old son, George, were neighbors of the Barrios family. All three remain jailed without bail on charges of malice murder, kidnapping and child molestation.

Prosecutors will be allowed to use the elder Edenfield's statements to Glynn County police detectives as evidence, Superior Court Judge Stephen Scarlett has ruled.

David Edenfield said his son killed Christopher and initially admitted only to helping hide Christopher's body. He later admitted greater involvement in the slaying, which led police to charge him with murder, retired detective Ray Sarro testified during a pretrial hearing.

District Attorney Stephen Kelley is seeking the death penalty against the father and son. Peggy Edenfield has agreed to testify against her husband and son in exchange for prosecutors not asking that she get the death penalty.

Edenfield's attorneys, James Yancey Jr. and John Beall IV, contend he can't receive a fair trial anywhere in Coastal Georgia because of extensive news media coverage of the case and public hostility.

teresa.stepzinski@jacksonville.com, (912) 264-0405